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博碩士論文: 連讀變調中的方向性及對應性=Directionality in Tone Sandhi and the Effect of Identity Preservation

  • 作者:林蕙珊(研究生)、Hui-shan Lin(研究生)
  • 其他作者:黃慧娟(指導教授)、Hui-chuan Huang(指導教授)
  • 語文:英文
  • 出版者:國立清華大學
  • 系所名稱:語言學研究所
  • 學位類別:博士
  • 出版日期:2004
  • 畢業學年度:92
  • 頁數:300
    • 主題:語言-南四縣、語言-北四縣
    • 關鍵詞:連讀變調、北京變調、Hakha-Lai 變調、成都變調、四縣客家變調、博山變調、天津變調、優選理論、變調方向性、tone sandhi、Beijing Mandarin tone sandhi、Hakha-Lai tone sandhi、Chengdu tone sandhi、Sixian-Hakka tone sandhi、Boshan tone sandhi、Tianjin tone sandhi、Optimality Theory、directionality

      摘要:

      本篇論文的主旨在於討論聲調語言當中的連讀變調現象。深究的重點是連讀變調現象中難以預測的變調方向性及變調方向性背後之意義。本篇論文所採用的理論模式是優選理論(Optimality Theory)。根據五個漢語方言(包含了天津方言,博山方言,四縣客家方言,成都方言,和北京方言)以及一個非漢語方言(Hakha-Lai),本文指出了變調方向性和變調輸出聲調(tonal output)之間的關聯。當變調的方向性是由觸發聲調(trigger)運作至目標聲調(target)時,輸出的聲調具有正常運作(normal application)的特性。而當變調的方向是由目標聲調運作至觸發聲調時,輸出的聲調則具有不當運作(misapplication)的特性。本文認為,變調的方向基本上是由目標聲調運作至觸發聲調。因為這個方向性可以使得輸出聲調和其參考的聲調(base)較相同。當這個方向性會衍生出高度有標(highly marked)的形式,或使得位在非變調位置(prominent position)的聲調產生變化時,連讀變調規則的運作方向就會轉而由觸發聲調運作至目標聲調。變調的方向性可以由音韻制約(markedness constraint)/位置信實制約(positional faithfulness constraint)和輸出-輸出信實制約(OO-faithfulness constraint)之間的排列順序而得到預測。變調方向性背後的動機最主要是為了促成輸出聲調和其參考聲調之間的對應性。為了達成這個對應關係,變調規則必須由目標聲調運作至觸發聲調。不過,這個對應性的達成並非全然無條件的。當連讀變調現象中更高的準則會因對應性的達成而受到違反時,變調的規則就會由相反的方向運行。
      This dissertation investigates the nature of tone sandhi by focusing on the issue of unpredictable tone sandhi operation directionalities that has being attracting much attention lately. Based on data of five Chinese dialects, including Tianjin, Boshan, Sixian-Hakka, Chengdu and Beijing Mandarin, and the Kuki-Chin language of Hakha-Lai, an intriguing correlation between tone sandhi operation directionalities and normal vs. misapplications is found. In the tone sandhi patterns that are direction-sensitive, target-to-trigger rule application directionality would produce misapplication outputs (outputs with tonal changes that are not properly conditioned (i.e., overapplication) or failure of tonal changes when properly conditioned (i.e., underapplication)), while trigger-to-target directionality would produce outputs of normal application (outputs with tonal changes that are properly conditioned).It is argued in this dissertation that over- and underapplications in tone sandhi, like those observed in reduplications and paradigms, are identity effects. They are forced by the desire for a tonal output to be more like a tonal base it prosodically relates to. The desire to achieve identity (captured by the output-to-output correspondence constraint) forces tone sandhi to operate in the target-to-trigger direction, leading to misapplications. Prosodically related outputs would however sometimes fail to correspond. If preserving identity would produce forms that contain highly marked sequences (captured by the markedness constraints) or forms that involve tonal changes taking place at the prominent position (captured by the positional faithfulness constraint), the desire for identity would be sacrificed. In that case, tone sandhi operates in the reverse direction and the resultant outputs are those of normal application. Thus, the directionalities are predictable through the interactions of the markedness constraint/positional faithfulness constraint and the output-to-output correspondence constraints, where the markedness constraint/positional faithfulness constraint must dominate the output-to-output correspondence constraint.The investigation of the issue of directionality discloses an important feature of tone sandhi. In tone sandhi, identity preservation between prosodically related outputs is important. The output-to-output correspondence relation may force a tonal output to deviate from the canonical surface patterns of the language, so that it becomes more like a tonal base to which it prosodically relates. Identity preservation is highly respected in tone sandhi, unless this would produce forms that are highly marked or forms that involve tonal changes in the wrong position.

      目錄:

      CHINESE ABSTRACT iENGLISH ABSTRACT iiiDEDICATION vACKNOWLEDGEMENTS viTABLE OF CONTENTS viiiCHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 11.1 Overview. 11.2 Organization 12CHAPTER 2 DIRECTIONALITY IN TONE SANDHI AND IDENTITY EFFECT 172.1 The Literature on Directionality 182.1.1 Howard’s Directional Theory 182.1.2 Chen’s Derivational Proposal 182.2 The Effect of Directionality in Tone Sandhi 202.3 Identity Effect in Tone Sandhi 272.3.1 Definition of the Prosodic Domain 332.3.2 Definition of Base 342.4 Normal Application, Overapplication, and Underapplication 362.4.1 Back Copying 492.4.2 Emergence of the Unmarked (TETU) 502.5 Conflicting Directionality, Normal Application and Misapplication 532.6 Local Conclusion 552.7 Theories and Assumptions Adopted in the Present Analysis of Tone Sandhi 552.7.1 The Internal Structure of Tone 562.7.2 Allotone Generation and Allotone Selection 582.7.3 Separation of Tonal Constraints and Prosodic Constraints 592.7.4 Overview of the Constraints for Prosodic Domains 61CHAPTER 3 MORPHOSYNTACTICALY INSENSITIVE TONE SANDHI:RIGHT PROMINENT LANGUAGES 653.1 Introduction 653.2 Tianjin 663.2.1 Data and Generalization 663.2.2 Tri-tonal Examples, Conflicting Directionalities and Normal vs. Overapplication 753.2.2.1 Overapplication 783.2.2.2 Normal Application 833.2.3 Local Conclusion 893.3 Boshan 893.3.1 Data and Generalization 893.3.2 Tri-tonal Strings, Conflicting Directionality, and Normal, Over-vs. Underapplication 963.3.2.1 Overapplication 983.3.2.2 Underapplication 1013.3.2.3 Normal Application 1083.4 Sixian-Hakka 1153.4.1 Data and Generalization 1153.4.2 Tri-tonal Strings and Overapplication 1193.5 Prosodic Constraints for Right Prominent Morphosyntactically Insensitive Tone Sandhi 1233.5.1 The ((σσ)σ) Domain 1233.5.2 The Prosodic Constraints Set 1243.6 Conclusion 126CHAPTER 4 MORPHOSYNTACTICALY INSENSITIVE TONE SANDHI: LEFTPROMINENT LANGUAGES 1294.1 Introduction 1294.2 Chengdu 1304.2.1 Data and Generalization 1304.2.2 Tri-tonal Strings, Normal Application and Underapplication 1434.2.2.1 Underapplication 1454.2.2.2 Normal Application 1504.3 Hakha-Lai .1544.3.1 Data and Generalization 1544.3.2 Normal and Underapplication in Multi-tonal Strings 1604.3.2.1 Underapplication 1634.3.2.2 Normal Application 1674.4 Prosodic Constraints for Tonal Domain of Left ProminentMorphosyntactically Insensitive Tone Sandhi 1694.4.1 The (σ(σσ)) Domain 1694.4.2 The Prosodic Constraints Set 1704.5 Conclusion 171CHAPTER 5 MORPHOSYNTACTICALY SENSITIVE TONE SANDHI 1745.1 Introduction 1745.2 Data and Generalization 1765.3 Tri-tonal Strings, and Normal application vs. Overapplication 1775.3.1 Overapplication 1795.3.2 Normal application 1815.4 Prosodic Constraints for Beijing Mandarin Tone Sandhi Domain 1835.4.1 Shih’s (1986) Analysis 1845.4.2 The Non-PP Utterances 1855.4.3 The PP Utterances 1955.5 Supporting Evidence From Tone Sandhi In Transliterations, andNonsense Words 1995.5.1 Tone Sandhi Patterns in Nonsense Words, and Transliterations 199CHAPTER 6 ALTERNATIVE ANALYSES 2076.1 Rule Based Analysis 2076.2 Constraint-based Analysis Without Output-to-Output Correspondence2116.3 Constraints on Derivation 2156.4 Direct Mapping 2236.5 Harmonic Serialism 2276.5.1 Chen’s Attempt to Tianjin Tone Sandhi 2286.5.2 Boshan Tone Sandhi 2306.6 Summary 232CHAPTER 7 CONCLUDING REMARKS 2347.1 Directionality and Identity Effect 2347.2 Summary of the Faithfulness and the Markedness Constraints 2357.3 Tone Sandhi in Longer Strings 2397.3.1 Sixian-Hakka 2417.3.2 Tianjin Tone Sandhi 2487.4 Extensions of the Prosodic Correspondence 252APPENDIX A: SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS 255APPENDIX B: TONAL CONSTRAINTS AND PROSODIC CONSTRAINTS 257A.1 Tonal Constraints 257A.2 Prosodic Constraints 260APPENDIX C: AN ATTEMPT TO ALLOTONE PAIRINGS 261REFERENCES 273